By Pinky Khoabane
Glynnis Breytenbach, Vusi Pikoli and now Gerrie Nel. They all at one time worked for the National Prosecuting Authority (NPA) and have now joined the opposition.
Pikoli joined the Democratic Alliance Western Cape as their police ombudsman, Breytenbach as DA Member of Parliament (MP) and Nel has now dispensed his services to racist Afriforum. Those of you who have followed my writings know that I dont camouflage racists by using labels such as cultural or civil society groups. I call them for what they are. It’s interesting times we live in – whether Afriforum will now that it has a private prosecutions unit headed by non-other than former national prosecutor, will take us to court for calling them what they are.
Yes, they had every right to go and work wherever they please but I’ve decried what happens in this country where there’s no cooling off period for public servants. In other countries, civil servants are paid to stay at home for at least a year and in others, it is a criminal offence to leave public office to join institutions which were part of your stakeholders.
Reading newspapers however, you’d be forgiven for thinking the NPA is captured by the ANC alone.
I have never liked Nel or Breytenbach but when the latter showed her racist tendencies by supporting apartheid nostalgia, she sealed things for me.
My gripe with Nel stems from the deals he made with some of the most despicable human beings just to get to former police chief and now late, Jackie Selebi.
But ultimately I had to come to terms with Pikoli’s role in putting-away a comrade and saving white thugs and then moving-on to work for the opposition. I have absolutely no qualms with charging Selebi and jailing him – it is this double standard in prosecution, law and justice that irks me.
Pikoli and Nel made deals with the likes of self-confessed drug dealer, Glenn Agliotti, Clinton Nassif and characters from the apartheid government’s hit squad, the Civil Co-operation Bureau (CCB).
Nassif and his co-accused, Nigel McGurk, testified how the former had paid him and other hit men, to “take out” people who were causing “trouble” for the Kebbles. They also confessed to killing Kebble in an assisted suicide.
There’s something repulsive about watching scumbags prancing around like celebrities simply because they happen to be murderers or drug peddlers who had bragged about their deeds to the cops so as to keep their backsides out of jail. Repulsive, not only because people’s lives were affected, but also because these are the kind of incidents which — had the identity of Brett Kebble’s alleged killers not been established — would have been used by the same white people involved in them, as proof that crime in this country was out of control and the black government was doing nothing. Let’s face it: in this country, crime is seen in black and white terms — the victim white, the perpetrator black.
You only had to watch the swagger of convicted drug trafficker, Agliotti, outside the South Gauteng High Court during Selebi’s corruption trial to feel seriously ill.
At the time, Agliotti was facing charges of conspiracy to murder and murder. These related to the murder of Kebble (another thug that the media preferred to describe as a mining magnate) — and conspiracy to murder four people who had been instrumental in uncovering the irregularities in the companies that Kebble and his father, Roger, were involved in.
The information that has since been disclosed following his death in 2005 is ample evidence that Brett is not one to be described in any respectable terms. His name cannot go down in the annals of history alongside highly regarded businessmen and women. To call him a mining magnate is an insult to these men and women. He and his father had been facing charges of fraud, conspiracy and insider trading. On his watch as chief executive of JCI, Randgold & Exploration and Western Areas, 14 million shares had gone missing and Brett Kebble had embezzled at least R2-billion. His personal life was just as ugly. The SA Revenue Service was probing his personal tax matters. At the time of his death, he and his father owed the taxman at least R250- million between them. Shortly after his death, it emerged that he had had unsavoury characters on his payroll: he had a handful of young prostitutes — both male and female.
Much of the debate and justification for keeping real bad men out of prison came down to the issue of the state witness programme.
But when you see the two men who made those decisions go and work for the opposition, you wonder whether they didnt use the NPA to settle scores for their real bosses.