A SYNOPSIS OF THE RANGE OF COUNTER –REVOLUTIONERY FORCES DEPLOYED AGAINST THE AFRICAN NATIONAL CONGRESS
By Greg Alexander Mashaba
- The struggle for radical transformation of South African society which is led by the African National Congress is facing resistance on a scale and intensity which has never been heretofore seen. Never in the history of the struggle of our people for national and social emancipation has our organisation come under such attack . The only other such periods which could eclipse the current challenges in their intensity and magnitude are perhaps the situation following the unbanning of the ANC and other political organisations in 1961 and the difficult but defining moment when our students revolted against the policy of inferior Bantu education in 1976.
In 1961 and 1976 it was very easy to clearly identify the range of forces which were deployed against our people and the primary organisation leading the national liberation struggle, namely the ANC in alliance with the SACP and the trade union movement led by SACTU ( South African Congress of Trade Unions. The complexity of South African society in post Apartheid South Africa is such that it is not as easy as in the 1960s and 1970s to appreciate the true nature of the forces which seek to reverse the gains of our revolution. This is simply because some of them operate covertly and have mastered the politics of misinformation. This is better captured by the statement by the late president of Mozambique, Samora Machel when he said:
“…The other enemy is the that of the indirect and secondary enemy, who presents himself under the same cover of a nationalist and even as a revolutionary thus making it difficult to identify him….The fighter must distinguish friend from foe even …..if he raises the flag with us.”
- The primary and overt force of counter-revolution is the Democratic Alliance ( DA ) . Prior to the first democratic elections in 1994 the fore-runner to the DA was the Progressive Federal Party . While it openly and freely participated in the Apartheid parliament and other structures of the Apartheid political system , it sought to portray itself as a liberal party which was opposed to Apartheid . Following the 1994 elections the DA reconstituted itself as the DA and preached equality of all irrespective of race. It was however opposed to the radical economic transformation which the previously oppressed masses sought. The more conservative nature of the DA was reinforced by the influx of the verkrampte elements who left the National Party in droves when the latter merged with the ANC in 2004. Thus the DA got fundamentally opposed to the primary strategies of redressing the imbalances of the past black economic empowerment, employment and land restitution.
In recent years the DA has bolstered its ranks through recruitment of black people whose sole purpose is to serve as the black faces of a white party. Although nominally presented as genuine leaders of the DA, their true position and role was exposed by their glaring failure to confront acts of racism committed and perpetuated by their white masters. Those who sought to stand firm against racism like Lindiwe Mazibuko and Mbali Ntuli were marginalised, with Ntuli being banished to rural KwaZulu Natal and Mazibuko being thrown out of the party.
The DA which has positioned itself as a principled organisation which seeks to serve the interests of all South Africans and one which is guided the principles enshrined in our Constitution and the Bill Of Rights has in recent years sought to reverse and thwart political and economic transformation through recourse to the usurpation of the judiciary whereby it has sought to move political debate from parliament and the town halls to the courts. So numerous have been the number of political disputes which the DA has referred to the courts that senior members of our judiciary have sounded the alarm at this phenomenon. I will refer in this instance to the remarks of retired Deputy Chief Justice Moseneke when he delivered the Helen Suzman Memorial Lecture last year.
- The second strata of political forces ranged against the ANC are the nominally black opposition parties , namely COPE , the UDM , the IFP , the ACDP and lately the EFF. With the exception of COPE , the IFP and the ACDP , two of these parties , namely the EFF and UDM, were formed when their founding members were expelled from the ANC. Very much like Tennyson Makiwane who became an agent of the Apartheid regime following his expulsion from the ANC at the Morogoro Conference in 1969, these parties have been co-opted into the DA, if not through formal mergers , through the integration of their political programmes and strategies into those of the DA. It is quite possible that all of these parties get their primary funding from the same sources, both locally and from abroad. Reports that the EFF had received funding from the ultra-conservative Swaziland-based business man Nathan Kirsch could serve as an indication of the primary sources of funding for this organisation which, while seeking to position itself as a party of radical economic transformation, is in practical terms a mere appendage and proxy of the DA. By the way Nathan Kirsh is the major shareholder of Magal Security Systems, which became notorious for its construction of Israel’s Apartheid Wall. The same company is a major contractor to the Israel Defence Force.
These nominally independent political parties have joined the DA in seeking to undermine the constitution by seeking also to settle political disputes in the courts. The decision by the EFF in particular to help the DA to secure three metropolitan municipalities after the August 2016 local government elections revealed its true nature as a counter-revolutionary party. Its continuous attempts to frustrate the operation of parliament further confirms this view. I was recently reliably informed that there are well-known members of the so-called “Student Command” of the EFF who receive monthly stipends in return for the disruption of the academic programme at Wits University. I am disappointed that our security services seem to be oblivious to this matter.
- The third strata which completes this evil trinity is the range of civil society groups, among them the Helen Suzman Foundation, The De Klerk Foundation ( which was founded by the last president of Apartheid South Africa ), The Thabo Mbeki Foundation, Save South Africa and OUTA . Though nominally civil society organisations, they share a common agenda in their hostile and stiff opposition to all programmes and policies of the democratically elected government of South Africa. These organisations are also notorious for their continued use of the courts to challenge the democratically elected government initiatives. Members of these organisations include very affluent black executives like Sipho Pityana. These are executives who were recruited into the private industry following service as ministers and senior civil servants in the initial years of democratic government .
These organisations are backed by the churches which are organised under the South Afican Council of Churches (SACC). ( For my critique of the political posture of the SACC please refer to my aricle “His Grace Dances With The Devil “ which first was first posted on unccensoredopinion.co.za on 19 May 2017. http://uncensoredopinion.co.za/grace-dances-devil/. Therein I make the argument that the bishops organised under the banner of the SACC are apologists of the growing black middle class and their sponsors in the conglomerates listed on the Johannesburg Securities Exchange ( JSE ). I further make the argument that, due to their reliance on sources of funding which flows from the coffers of those who previously benefited from Apartheid, the clergy’s views on the current political situation is severely compromised and weighted against the government rather than those seeking to arrest the move towards radical economic transformation .
The ideological and political stance of the evil trinity is supported and propagated through the dissemination of false news and unbalanced analyses by a media industry which remains untransformed , 23 years after the ushering in of a democratic dispensation.
- A more sinister component of this evil trinity comprises those members of the ANC and its alliance partners who seek to remain within the organisation and to use its networks and infrastructure to deepen divisions and eventually to cause the organisation to implode. The primary strategy employed is the continuous call for the ANC to recall Jacob Zuma as president of the republic, knowing fully well that this is also the clarion call of the right-wing parties who expect that such a move would result in the break-up of the ANC and thus secure a take-over of government by opposition parties without the country going through a general election.
- Ultimately it is up to all the members of the ANC to vigorously expose and confront these formations head on. No one who genuinely loves the ANC can dare sit on the sidelines and pray for a miracle so that the ANC prevails over its adversaries.
GREG MASHABA IS AN ADDITIONAL BRANCH EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE MEMBER OF THE ELLEN KHUZWAYO BRANCH IN EKURHULENI . HE WRITES THIS ARTICLE IN HIS PERSONAL CAPACITY.